国际顶刊 | 《比较政治》第54卷（2022年）第2期
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政治学人始终在路上
本期国际化部为大家带来了《比较政治》2022年第54卷第2期文章编译。
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PART 1
期刊简介
Comparative Politics（《比较政治》）是由纽约城市大学负责的比较政治学领域顶级期刊，始于1968年，分别在每年1月、4月、7月、10月出版。期刊主要呈现针对政治制度和政治过程比较研究的学术文章，并借此平台与社会科学家、学者、学生、公众和NGO官员交流新的想法和研究发现。
PART 2
期刊目录
Voting for a Killer: Efraín Ríos Montt's Return to Politics in Democratic Guatamala
为刽子手投票：埃弗拉因·里奥斯·蒙特（Efraín Ríos Montt）在民主的危地马拉重返政坛
Explaining Military Responses to Protests in Latin American Democracies
解释拉丁美洲民主国家抗议活动中的军方反应
Civil Resistance in the Shadow of the Revolution: Historical Framing in Nicaragua’s Sudden Uprising
革命阴影下的公民抗争：尼加拉瓜突发起义的历史框架
Taxation and Left-Wing Redistribution: The Politics of Consumption Tax in Britain and Sweden
税收与左翼再分配：英国和瑞典的消费税政治
Resisting Equality: Subnational State Capture and the Unequal Distribution of Inequality
抵制平等：地方俘获与对不平等的不公平分配
Democracy and the Adoption of Electoral Gender Quotas Worldwide
民主与世界范围内的选举性别配额
Executive Agency and State Capacity in Development: Comparing Sino-African Railways in Kenya and Ethiopia
发展项目中的执行机构与国家能力：对肯尼亚和埃塞俄比亚中非铁路的比较研究
When Do Courts Constrain the Authoritarian State? Judicial Decision-Making in Jordan and Palestine
法院何时约束威权国家？约旦和巴勒斯坦的司法决策
01 为刽子手投票：埃弗拉因·里奥斯·蒙特（Efraín Ríos Montt）在民主的危地马拉重返政坛
【题目】
Voting for a Killer: Efraín Ríos Montt's Return to Politics in Democratic Guatamala
【作者】
Regina Bateson
【摘要】
从1982年到1983年，埃弗拉因·里奥斯·蒙特（Efraín Ríos Montt）在危地马拉内战十分血腥的时期当政。在其看管之下，该国杀害了大约75000名自己的公民。然而，不到十年，这位前独裁者在危地马拉新的民主政权中，却成为最受欢迎的政治家之一。一个严重侵犯人权的人是如何实现这种不可能的复归的？利用过程追踪，我认为对里奥斯·蒙特（Ríos Montt）经历的最优解释是，他将民粹主义作为核心政治战略。这一分析在加深我们对这一重要案例认识的同时，揭示了更广泛的问题，即具有极不民主价值观的行动者如何以及何时能够为了自己的目的而劫持民主。
From 1982 to 1983, General presided over an especially bloody period of the Guatemalan civil war. Under Ríos Montt's watch, the state killed approximately 75,000 of its own citizens. Yet less than a decade later, the former dictator emerged as one of the most popular politicians in newly democratic Guatemala. How did a gross human rights violator stage such an improbable comeback? Using process tracing, I argue that Ríos Montt's trajectory is best explained by his embrace of populism as his core political strategy. This analysis deepens our knowledge of an important case, while shedding light on broader questions about how and when actors with profoundly undemocratic values can hijack democracy for their own ends.
02 解释拉丁美洲民主国家抗议活动中的军方反应
【题目】
Explaining Military Responses to Protests in Latin American Democracies
【作者】
David Pion-Berlin，Igor Acácio
【摘要】
社会抗议是拉丁美洲民主的一个特点。当警察无法处理这些抗议时，任期受到威胁的政府很可能会命令军队介入。军队在奉命部署反抗议行动时，表现出从违抗命令、有条件服从和完全服从的各种反应。本文通过小样本比较分析和多样化案例选择策略，研究了军队为何会对大规模抗议活动产生差异化的反应。这一研究使用了玻利维亚、秘鲁和厄瓜多尔这些有抗议历史的民主国家的质证据。研究发现，军人在镇压抗议时承担的司法风险、职业使命感偏好，以及军方和抗议者的身份认同，是对军队反应最有力的解释。
Social protests are a feature of democracy in Latin America. When the police cannot handle them, governments, facing threats to their tenure, are tempted to order the armed forces to step in. The military, when ordered to deploy in counter-protest operations, exhibits behaviors ranging from defiance to conditional and full compliance. The article investigates the sources of variation in military responses to mass protests, leveraging a small-n comparative analysis and a diverse case selection strategy. It draws on qualitative evidence from Bolivia, Peru, and Ecuador, democracies with a history of protests. It finds that a combination of the judicial risks soldiers assume if they repress, professional mission preferences, and social identity between the military and the protesters are the most compelling explanations for military responses.
03 革命阴影下的公民抗争：尼加拉瓜突发起义的历史框架
【题目】
Civil Resistance in the Shadow of the Revolution: Historical Framing in Nicaragua’s Sudden Uprising
【作者】
Eric Mosinger, Kai Thaler, Diana Paz García, Charlotte Fowler
【摘要】
长期的、广泛的不满是公民抗争运动的必要条件吗？我们认为，即使是不存在长期的、反政府的不满情绪，历史框架也能促成突发的大规模起义。此起彼伏的抗争通过四个相互依存的历史框架机制发展起来，并对相对稳定、受欢迎的政府形成挑战。首先，抗议者和旁观者可能会对历史上抗争性事件进行类比。第二，个人或团体可以想象自己扮演着过去大众抗争中的典型角色，提供行动处方。第三，抗议者可以采用以往抗争事件的象征性和战术性方法。最后，抗议者可能在具有象征意义的空间内将抗争集中起来。我们用尼加拉瓜2018年大规模起义的证据来发展我们的理论，针对抗争者的暴力激活了历史框架，这一框架与尼加拉瓜独裁和革命历史产生了共鸣，结果，抗争几乎推翻了以前受欢迎的总统丹尼尔·奥尔特加（Daniel Ortega）。
Are long-standing, widespread grievances a necessary condition for civil resistance campaigns? We argue historical framing can enable sudden mass uprisings even where long-standing anti-regime grievances are absent. Protest cascades can develop to challenge relatively stable, popular governments through four interdependent historical framing mechanisms. First, protesters and bystanders may draw analogies to historical contentious episodes. Second, individuals or groups may imagine themselves occupying paradigmatic roles from past popular struggles, offering prescriptions for action. Third, protesters can adopt symbolic and tactical repertoires from previous contentious episodes. Finally, protesters may concentrate protests within symbolic space. We develop our theory with evidence from Nicaragua's 2018 mass uprising, which nearly toppled previously-popular President Daniel Ortega, after violence against protesters activated powerful frames resonating with Nicaragua's history of dictatorship and revolution.
04 税收与左翼再分配：英国和瑞典的消费税政治
【题目】
Taxation and Left-Wing Redistribution: The Politics of Consumption Tax in Britain and Sweden
【作者】
Per F. Andersson
【摘要】
最近的研究声称，党派和政策之间的联系很弱，左翼政府对穷人的税收出奇地多。在这篇文章中，我认为左翼征税取决于制度背景，而不是由于工会或整体支出的限制。利用新的数据，我证明了采取比例选举制的国家中，左翼政府的税收更具有递减性，而在多数制国家中则更具有渐进性。通过比较二战后瑞典和英国的税收政策，可以检验评估这一政治机制。对未来影响的不确定性使英国的左派对消费税保持警惕，而瑞典的左派则将消费税与扩大的社会项目相结合。政治风险塑造了关键行为者的战略，并有助于解释这一时期税收政策的差异。
Recent research claims that the link between partisanship and policy is weak and that left-wing governments tax the poor surprisingly heavily. In this article, I argue that leftwing taxation depends on the institutional context, not constraints from unions or overall spending. Using novel data, I demonstrate that the left tax more regressively in countries using proportional electoral systems, and more progressively in majoritarian countries. The political mechanism is evaluated in a comparison of Swedish and British tax policy after WWII. Uncertainty over future influence made the left in Britain wary of consumption tax, while the left in Sweden combined consumption tax with expanded social programs. Political risk shaped the strategies of key actors and helps explain the divergence in tax policy during this period.
05 抵制平等：地方俘获与对不平等的不公平分配
【题目】
Resisting Equality: Subnational State Capture and the Unequal Distribution of Inequality
【作者】
Lucas González，Marcelo Nazareno
【摘要】
不平等在全国范围内不均衡分布，全国平均水平掩盖了这种差异。即使国家政府实施了大规模的再分配政策，在国家以下各级政府中仍然存在着严重的不平等现象。这项研究调查了哪些地方级因素可能有助于解释各区域收入不平等的差异。本文认为，一些地方经济精英通过占据相关政府职位，俘获了地方政府，使得土地税较低，社会项目支出较少，对联邦劳工权利的压制较多，导致了较高的不平等程度。本研究使用了对阿廷原始面板数据的大样本分析，对两个案例进行了比较研究，并在结论中探讨了一些比较的意义。
Inequality is unequally distributed across the territory, and national averages obscure this variation. Pockets of very high inequality persist at the subnational level of government, even when national governments implement large scale redistributive policies. This study investigates which factors at the subnational level may help explaining differences in income inequality across units. The main claim is that in subnational units where local economic elites capture provincial states by occupying relevant positions in their governments have lower taxes on land, spend less in social programs, have more repression of federal labor rights, and, as a consequence, have higher inequality. The study uses a large-N analysis of original panel data for Argentina, presents a comparative study of two cases, and explores some comparative implications in the conclusions.
06 民主与世界范围内的选举性别配额
【题目】
Democracy and the Adoption of Electoral Gender Quotas Worldwide
【作者】
Pär Zetterberg, Elin Bjarnegård, Melanie M. Hughes, Pamela Paxton
【摘要】
本文从理论上分析并使用有关性别配额法的全球和纵向数据，以研究民主的水平和维度如何影响不同配额类型的采用。我们的结果表明，处于中等民主水平的国家更可能采用配额制。在各类国家群体中，选举竞争水平相对较低（即政治权利有限）的国家最有可能采用保留席位。另一方面，在公民自由（即个人结社自由等）保护程度较高的国家，采用候选人配额的可能性最高。我们的研究结果表明，不同层次和维度的民主为政治行为者提供了激励和约束，从而创造了采用配额的不同路径。
This article theorizes and uses global and longitudinal data on gender quota laws to investigate how levels and dimensions of democracy affect the adoption of different quota types. Our results demonstrate that countries at middle levels of the democracy scale are more likely to adopt quotas. Within this diverse group of countries, those that have relatively low levels of electoral contestation (i.e., limited political rights) are most likely to adopt reserved seats. On the other hand, the likelihood of adopting candidate quotas is highest in countries where the protection of civil liberties (i.e., individual freedoms of association, etc.) is moderately high. Our findings suggest that different levels and dimensions of democracy provide political actors with incentives and constraints that create distinct trajectories for quota adoption.
07 发展项目中的执行机构与国家能力：对肯尼亚和埃塞俄比亚中非铁路的比较研究
【题目】
Executive Agency and State Capacity in Development: Comparing Sino-African Railways in Kenya and Ethiopia
【作者】
Yuan Wang
【摘要】
为什么性质相似的基础设施项目会沿着截然不同的轨迹发展？这个问题揭示了发展中国家不同的国家能力。与强调外部机构的结构性解释和强调官僚能力的制度性解释不同，我提出了一个政治锦标赛理论来解释国家在基础设施供给方面的能力差异。我认为，当一个项目对领导者的生存至关重要时，领导者会致力于这个项目；拥有强大权威的领导者会建立一个执行联盟，从而提高效率。经过180余次访谈，本文追踪了肯尼亚的标准轨距铁路和埃塞俄比亚的亚的斯亚贝巴-吉布提铁路的进程。这项研究强调了结构和制度约束下的个人机构，这在以往的国家能力研究中尚未被充分发掘。
Why do infrastructure projects that are similar in nature develop along starkly different trajectories? This question sheds light on the varying state capacity of developing countries. Divergent from structural explanations that stress external agency and institutional explanations that emphasize bureaucratic capacity, I propose a political championship theory to explain the variance in states capacity of infrastructure delivery. I argue that when a project is highly salient to leaders’ survival, leaders commit to the project; leaders with strong authority build an implementation coalition, leading to higher effectiveness. I trace the process of the Standard Gauge Railway in Kenya and Addis-Djibouti Railway in Ethiopia, relying on over 180 interviews. This research highlights the individual agency within structural and institutional constraints, a previously understudied area in state capacity.
08 法院何时约束威权国家？约旦和巴勒斯坦的司法决策
【题目】
When Do Courts Constrain the Authoritarian State? Judicial Decision-Making in Jordan and Palestin
【作者】
Steven D. Schaaf
【摘要】
在什么情况下，威权主义法院会做出限制国家行为者的决定？本研究通过解释专制国家何时对法律规范负责，何时不对法律规范负责，在专制主义研究方面有了新的突破。本文的证据主要来自于对约旦和巴勒斯坦法律行为人的采访、司法裁决的原始数据，以及为期两年的对法官在法院中工作情况的追踪。我发现，约旦和巴勒斯坦的法院几乎不是政权的棋子，因为法官经常把自己的利益放在政权精英的利益之上。我的研究结果还表明，揭示国家内部不团结情况的诉讼是扩大对国家活动的司法权力的有力工具，除此，上诉法院在制约国家行为人方面的能力很低。
Under what conditions will authoritarian courts issue decisions that constrain state actors? This study breaks new ground in authoritarianism research by explaining when authoritarian states are—and are not—held accountable to legal norms. I leverage evidence from interviews with Jordanian and Palestinian legal actors, original data on judicial decisions, and two years of fieldwork shadowing judges as they conducted business in the courthouse. I find that courts in Jordan and Palestine are hardly regime pawns, as judges routinely prioritize their own interests above those of regime elites. My results also demonstrate that lawsuits revealing instances of intra-state disunity are particularly good vehicles for expanding judicial authority over state activity and, further, that appellate courts are uniquely less capable of constraining state actors.
翻 译：王智灏
校 对：王智灏
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编辑：焦 磊
一审：李璐雅
二审：焦 磊
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